27 Nov 2016

J B Jeyaretnam inspired a generation of depoliticised young people when he won the Anson by election in a three corner fight in 1981. His victory shocked the PAP and surprised those who assumed that nothing was going to change. The PAP had not anticipated that the working class of Anson would abandon fear and send Jeyaretnam into parliament. Jeyaretnam’s victory ended 16 years of one party parliament.

I am glad to say that being one of the voters in Anson, I had thus, in a very small way, contributed to the change in our political landscape. I recall the night when the results were announced on television. My entire neighbourhood shouted for joy and vehicles sounded their horns for a very long time.

Jeyaretnam’s entry into parliament as the sole opposition member was almost immediately met with aggression from the PAP. Old debts were suddenly revived. In parliament, he faced hostile ministers. He was threatened time and again with breach of parliamentary privileges. Outside parliament, he was sued and charged in court. It is amazing that despite all the unbridled confrontation, he soldiered on and survived.

As a lone opposition member in parliament, without a team of researchers to help him, he was often rebuked. I often hear unfair criticisms that he did not do his research. That was really unkind. Luckily, parliamentary records show that he was a very effective parliamentarian, challenging bad policies and unjust bills and raising concerns about injustice and problems of citizens. He was quick on his feet.

As MP for Anson, Jeyaretnam never fail to meet the residents once a week at the void deck of one of the blocks of flats. He was concerned with the education of children. He sought permission to use the huge Peranakan styled community centre a stone throw away for tuition classes. Permission was denied. He once asked me to research on setting up a childcare centre. Unfortunately, the cost was just too exorbitant. Unable to carry out these plans for his constituents, he organised events such as the autumn festival where children and their parents would enjoy walking along the estate roads with lanterns in their hands. I remember he also organised children’s art competitions when impressive artworks were produced.

Jeyaretnam’s work as an opposition member in parliament inspired a group of young people. They realised that Singapore needed an opposition and it was absolutely important that Anson remain in the hands of the Workers’ Party. Thus before the general election in 1984, they offered to help him in his campaigns. When Jeyaretnam retained Anson, they offered their help in the production of the party’s organ, The Hammer. The irregular newspaper became a regular bi-monthly paper. The sale of The Hammer increased. It did not escape the notice of the PAP.

Jeyaretnam’s popularity and hard work in Anson garnered him 57% of the votes in 1984 which was 5% more than in 1981.

The loss of Anson to Jeyaretnam and Potong Pasir to Chiam See Tong in the general election angered the PAP. Both Jeyaretnam and Chiam were lawyers. It was thus no coincidence that attention was quickly focussed on lawyers. Coincidentally too, Francis Seow, former solicitor general and charismatic lawyer came on the scene when he was elected as the president of the Law Society towards the end of 1985. Lee Kuan Yew was alarmed for it was also the transition of power from him to the second generation leaders. He could not afford to see more opposition candidates in the next general election which had to be held in 1988 or 89. He had to “finish off” Jeyaretnam and all potential candidates.

In 1983, Jeyaretnam was charged for misappropriation of party funds amounting to $2,600 and making of a false statutory declaration. The First District Judge, Michael Khoo acquitted Jeyaretnam of 3 charges and fined him $1000 for the fourth charge. About a year after, Michael Khoo was transferred to the AG’s Chamber to become a Public Prosecutor. It caused grave unhappiness among lawyers as well as the general public.

In parliament, Jeyaretnam raised the issue of Michael Khoo’s transfer. Instead of simply answering his query, Jeyaretnam was referred to the Privileges Committee. All hell broke loose when complaints against Jeyaretnam was brought before the Committee of Privileges and the appeal against Michael Khoo’s judgement went before the High Court.

To cut a long story short, Jeyaretnam was ultimately fined $5000 and jailed for one month. He was therefore disqualified from being a member of parliament on 9 Dec 1986.

With Jeyaretnam out of the way, it was the Law Society and its president, Francis Seow who came under scrutiny. Again to cut a long story short, four lawyers and all those who helped in the publication of The Hammer were ultimately arrested and detained under the ISA in 1987.

Jeyaretnam offered to be legal counsel to his volunteers but due to coercion from the ISD, his offer was rejected. Jeyaretnam together with two other party members protested outside the Istana, seeking the release of the detainees. They were arrested and charged in court for attempting to conduct an unlawful assembly. Fortunately, the law in 1987 was not as severe as it is today. It needed five people to form an unlawful assembly. So they were all acquitted.

A year later, in 1988, several ISA detainees who were released issued a joint press statement and were immediately rearrested. Shortly after, two of their lawyers, including Francis Seow were also arrested under the ISA. That year, the electoral system was changed and GRCs were introduced. Anson was merged into Tanjong Pagar.

1988 however ended with the best news for Jeyaretnam. His appeal against the High Court barring him from practising law was heard before the Privy Council. In October, the Privy Council delivered a judgement exonerating Jeyaretnam and severely criticising the Singapore judiciary. He had finally won a major victory. But the Privy Council was powerless with regard to Jeyaretnam’s convictions and his seat in parliament.

The attacks on Jeyaretnam did not end with his exoneration by the Privy Council. Immediately after the 1997 general election, Jeyaretnam was again sued for defamation by PAP ministers represented by their army of senior counsels. He was ultimately made a bankrupt in 2001.

When Jeyaretnam was fighting his legal battles and trying to avoid bankruptcy proceedings, he was a very lonely person. He worked all he could to stave off bankruptcy. He stood at street corners to sell his books. Yet many of us shy away from him. Understandably, he developed a psychological complex. When friends tell me that he did not smile when they greet him on the street, I told them that it is difficult to trust strangers. He had been played out by strangers who offered assistance only to be disappointed and humiliated. I never encounter such problems with him. He was always glad to have coffee with me. And even when he was down and out, he would insist on paying the bill.

As Singaporeans, we have failed Jeyaretnam miserably. He used to tell me that if only every Singaporean would give him $1, he would not have to become a bankrupt. Jeyaretnam was a gentleman and a true warrior. We should always remember his huge sacrifice for us and honour his memory by doing what he tells us. Get rid of Fear and Wake Up!

It is unlikely that we will ever have another JBJ, at least not in my lifetime.

Thank you.

by Teo Soh Lung

Comrade Tan Jing Quee, our Socialist Warrior, a compliment given to him by the late Dr Lim Hock Siew died today, 13 years ago. He was 72.

The late Mr Tan was a lawyer, public intellectual, historian, prolific writer and poet. He spent his entire life searching for Singapore’s forgotten heroes all over the world. Armed with their oral history, he worked and published almost single-handedly, several books including Comet in Our Sky, Our Thoughts are Free, The Fajar Generation, The May 13 Generation and The Mighty Wave. He was on the verge of writing a book on Operation Coldstore but because of his terminal illness and was almost totally blind, he managed only to communicate his thoughts on the book to Lysa Hong, the historian who later completed it with others.

Jing Quee found time to reflect and write about his life and family and even published a book of Singapore short stories titled The Chempaka Tree and an anthology of poems, Love’s Travelogue. He was going to embark on writing a play which he told friends, was “all in his head”. Unfortunately, he could not finish it. Despite his severe physical handicaps, his indomitable spirit saw him launch his last books, The May 13 Generation and The Mighty Wave at Singapore, Kuala Lumpur, Penang and Johore. He spoke eloquently and without text at all those launches.

The following is a Tribute from Dr Lim Hock Siew delivered at the Memorial of Jing Quee held at the Auditorium of the Chinese Chamber of Commerce Building on 20 August 2011.

TRIBUTE TO TAN JING QUEE

LIM HOCK SIEW

It is with a very heavy heart that I write of one of my closest comrades, Tan Jing Quee. Our relationship dated back to the early 1950s when we were students at the University of Malaya and Singapore.

Jing Quee joined the University Socialist Club and became one of the prominent and very active members. Our relationship was based on our common socialist conviction and ideals. In the club’s forums and discussions, he distinguished himself with his profound knowledge of philosophy, economics and socialist ideologies. I was deeply impressed by his knowledge of socialist ideals, its application in the political struggle at that time. He became the president of the University Socialist Club and the editor of the club’s organ Fajar.

During one of the club’s forums, Jing Quee was emphatic that the role of a socialist was basically different from that of a social welfare worker – the socialist role was to struggle for a social economic system and that totally eradicated the source of poverty and social injustice. The social welfare worker on the other hand, merely indulged in symptomatic relief of the illness of a capitalist society.

A few weeks before I was arrested in February 1963 during the Cold Store Operation, Jing Quee and a few other Socialist Club members came to see me at my home to discuss what they could do after our expected arrest. They were fully aware of their own arrest and detention should they take part in politics in that period but he displayed total determination to take up the challenge.

While in prison I learnt that Jing Quee had graduated from the university and instead of taking up a lucrative job, he plunged himself into a trade union movement with a meagre pay. He became the paid Secretary of the Singapore Business Houses Employees’ Union (SBHEU) and devoted himself to the improvement of the working condition of the members of that union composed of mainly English educated workers. In September 1963, he took part in the general election as a candidate for the Barisan Sosialis and was nearly elected, losing by a mere 200 votes to a PAP minister. As expected, after the general election, he together with other Barisan Sosialis candidates were arrested and detained without trial.

When he was released in 1966, the SBHEU was already banned and Barisan Sosialis was rendered ineffective by repeated waves of repression. Jing Quee decided to leave Singapore for UK to study law. In London, he helped to take care of Lim Chin Siong who was exiled from Singapore after he suffered a bout of acute depression.

After returning to Singapore as a lawyer, Jing Quee continued his interest in Singapore politics and in 1977 he was again arrested under the ISA together with about 20 other lawyers, graduates, trade unionists and political activists. During that detention, Jing Quee like most other detainees, was subject to mental and physical torture which he had vividly described in his poem ISA Detainee.

He was released three months later but Jing Quee became even more resolute rather than culled by his detention. He devoted himself to writing the alternative history of Singapore. His research in the British Archives revealed shocking evidence of the degree of collaboration and conspiracy of the PAP leaders with the British colonial authority. All these evidence form part of the books which he had edited namely, Comet In Our Sky and The Fajar Generation. Subsequently in spite of his terminal illness, he struggled valiantly to complete the editing of The May 13 Generation and The Mighty Wave even though he was very ill. In fact he was totally blind and physically disabled. He remained mentally alert and his fighting spirit was very high. He took part in the launch of the two books in Singapore and despite the fact that he was under medical treatment for his terminal illness, he travelled to KL and Penang to help launch the books.

Even in the last days of his life, he was trying to complete another book on the Cold Store Operation.

His untimely death deprive us of an intellectual who has devoted his life to the socialist cause. I am proud to salute a brave and dedicated socialist warrior, Comrade Tan Jing Quee.

***

You can read other tributes written by his friends at https://function8.sg/…/14/tan-jing-quees-13th-anniversary/